Eurasia and the Last World War
Where the West imposes, Eurasia responds and history accelerates.
Luigi d’Angelo Tosoni explains how converging Eurasian powers enter a fateful stage of coordination that threatens to overturn Western dominion.
The conqueror arrives peacefully, wishing to enter our state unnoticed. To make this impossible, we must choose war and be ready for it.
— Carl von Clausewitz
What is the exact stage of development of Eurasian integration? That is, the level of self-consciousness of this whole, the coordination of its parts. It is not a trivial question. And before addressing the concrete, let us assess the first principles, the genesis.
Constructing a unity for Eurasia is a matter of survival. As we already said, the opposite pole remains manifestly restless in its objectives. The collective West reaches for a monopoly over the world through the mechanisms of the ambiguous so-called “rule-of-law-based international order”—from its inception a means for geostrategic ends—and intermingles global capital and political power, leading to the urgent necessity for the formation of a counterbalance of forces.
Free commerce as a directive puts traditional public law into crisis and turns the apparatus of decision-making into a spectral reality. If not attached to a statehood properly organized to be absolutely effective,1 openness to globalization inevitably transfigures into subjugation to globalism.
With the exception of the United States, no country, as of today, can afford to rely solely on its own inner capacities and resources in order to defend its sovereignty. Transatlantic imperialism has immense capabilities and is not underestimated by intelligent national leaderships. It developed formidable geopolitical leverage over time to the detriment of what, until recently, was not a formed pole of opposition. The aspects which paved the way for today’s paradigm range from economic strangulation and dismantling of production—turning reliance into dependence, and dependence into obedience—to cultural and informational control over entire nations—in the end, consent manufactured. During the bipolarity of the Cold War, multilateral institutions (such as the IMF and GATT) reinforced American dominion through the imposition of determined economic policies that were tied to the international economy. It also takes the form of direct military-kinetic action.2 As we are watching, confrontation is not simply a possibility, but an ever-present reality. Even from the perspective of the Russian and Chinese superpowers, survival has strict conditions. A process of large-scale integration is imperative.
Eurasian unity is precisely about that. Based on the friend-enemy distinction, the powers involved in this struggle are identifying, further defining, and refining the conditions for the necessity of alliance by way of interdependence. They know who, at the current moment, is the enemy and who their friends are. Political concepts are themselves formed by relations of enmity. And since the political universe is always a pluriverse, enmity itself is constitutive of identity.3 Once there is an understanding of what is at stake, everything else becomes clear. From thereon, concrete agreements, cooperation, and coordination start flowing.
We have seen the results of succumbing to the dominion of the West. In fact, the whole pan-Western space itself (from Europe to America) is the first prisoner-subject of the globalist experiment in all its terrors. It—the fundamental “Ocean”—reduces its own spatial center and citizens to a secondary category, worse, mere tools for the process of globalization, promptly discarding them along the way. The space of its very origins is the most tragically affected by it, actualizing the myth of Cronus and its relation to human alterity. Speculative economics progressively detaches from the land, and it simply must start consuming its inhabitants. The current state of necrosis of Far-Western Europe under geopolitical humiliation, sabotaged industries, social chaos, its traditions uprooted, the gene pool deliberately pushed to the abyss… It all highlights for every nation in the world the endgame of Atlantic imperialism. Even the current treatment of the native peoples by their governments and the masses of immigrants exhibits the consequences of such a total schism between the people and the elites. Not due to “woke lunacy,” but because of a deliberate project: Europe reduced to a pawn, a slave. They represent political subjects; firstly, directives from abroad. The political forms and establishment, from thereon domestic and foreign policies, follow the fundamental reality of geopolitical conditions.
Because Eurasia means a self-conscious refusal of Western monopoly on truth and the world processes, rejecting the “spectralization” followed from the entrance of market democracy and global capital, the platform on which it is being built is not one of shared ideology, but the assertion of civilizational sovereignty: multipolarity. Alexander Dugin hoped that America could also take part in that transformation of the world order through its isolationist and pragmatist principles of old, but the US made it clear that it will not lose its grip on the position of global policeman easily. It is obvious they will not get this far ever again. For better or worse, America is taking part in the multipolar process by catalyzing new alignments and counter-alliances. In the words of former Macedonian ambassador Risto Nikovski:
In politics, as in physics and chemistry, for example, there are no coincidences. There is always an action and a reaction. It is not possible for someone to scatter, bombard, and destroy without receiving some form of response. In the end, the bill must be paid. The Cold War is simply a reality nowadays, even though the majority of people do not want to admit or accept it. The clash between the two giants, the US and Russia, is a reality that will produce even more confrontations and wars.4
The tragic truth is that there will not be a complete change in the world order without a transitional period. So this Third World War/Second Cold War will go on to its final conclusion. First comes the assertion of sovereignty; then, well, it is put to the test.
Conducting warfare takes into consideration the military limits of not only the nations immediately involved, but evidently also the capacities of a greater, major power which may get involved as well. If one small nation is suddenly marked for destruction by a more powerful neighbour, the only way for it to survive lies in directing the responsibilities for the results of this war upwards in the grand international scheme, so the attacker quickly confronts deterrence. A powerful ally may intervene for reasons tied to trade dependence, but above all to acknowledge and counter the adversary’s advantage. Russia’s inaction over Nagorno-Karabakh—with Armenia being at the time a full member of the CSTO—after the 2020 Azerbaijani incursion, reverberates to this day.
The cold fact is that in today’s world, countries such as Canada, Germany and Japan simply have no sovereignty. Ukraine and Taiwan also do not. In the Großraum-based international order, it is not a matter of being more or less sovereign; it follows the exact measures of vigilance, interference and tolerance coming from this or that major power. The policy choices of a minor state may radically differ when supported by the considerable influence of a stronger patron, with direct implications for how conflicts escalate. The concrete decision-making to integrate the Eurasian great space is up to the major poles that compose it; it does not fall on the small players. International relations have always been a derived instantiation of more fundamental realities.5 In 2022, the launch of the Special Military Operation marked a conflict escalation by Russia in response to the threat of NATO’s expansion to Ukraine. In accordance with its spiritual-historical6 and national security calculus, Russia could not tolerate it.
The scale, seriousness and ultimately success of that decision caused Vladimir Putin to spark a geopolitical revolution. It intensified a process in development since 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the start of the Donbas War. The Russians proving themselves on the battlefield and then spectacularly pushing back forcefully against all the sanctions imposed by the West showed the world that it was possible to challenge the West, that the nations of the world should not all submit to a world-system of international politics and finance, which does not benefit them and was gradually transforming into a monopoly placed in the hands of God knows who.
Since 2022, we have been witnessing in real time large expansions and deepening of cooperation between Russia and its main partners, as well as among themselves, namely China, Iran, and North Korea. Such processes opened the possibilities of forming a world order detached from Transatlantic imperialism and its institutions and guided by capable and confident powers. For example, China became Russia’s largest trading partner and bilateral trade reached record levels in 2023 and 2024. Iranian exports are now 34.6% destined to China, consisting mainly of oil, in direct violation of international sanctions.7
Russia, China, Iran and North Korea have also engaged in various kinds of joint military exercises, including major multilateral naval exercises in the Gulf of Oman. Added to this, China and Russia play an important part in the strengthening of Iran’s role as a regional power. Both have provided intelligence and military support to the struggles of Iran and its proxies.8 In the context of the Russo-Ukrainian war, North Korea reached the point of sending active troops directly to the frontlines of the conflict in support of the Russian effort. Iran has provided close-range ballistic missiles to Russia and, beyond directly supplying it with drones of its own, Iran went on to build a drone factory on Russian territory in order to produce Iranian Shahed drones.9 It has enabled the Russians to launch thousands of them, besides gathering data for the Iranians to further develop their military engineering.
During the 12-day war, Iran defended itself against Israeli airstrikes with Russian air-defense systems. Russia’s Gazprom has been supporting projects within Iran’s oil and gas industry for years now, as well as Rosatom and the Iranian nuclear sector, a relationship that includes field development. Both countries possess vast reserves of oil and gas and could jointly influence the global market favorably for themselves.
So, resuming the opening question regarding Eurasian integration: it is in a very advanced stage. Although the CSTO and EAEU are reasonable platforms for enhancing security and economic ties, they are not strictly necessary and the partnerships have already surpassed those. There are multiple other exchanges that have taken place recently. The fact remaining is that the main Eurasian poles have already found and established firm political alignments and are further developing their strategic cooperation in scope and scale against a clearly defined enemy, and integration follows from greater cooperation.
Welcome to the Last World War.
This was the case with China, whose financial system liberalized while the state simultaneously relied on a broad array of development banks, maintained control of strategic industries, and supported the population through tax cuts and subsidies.
As in the cases of Yugoslavia, Iraq and Libya; others through proxy parties.
Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (1932).
Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (1971).
Vladimir Putin, “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians” (2021).
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