Victory for the Russian World
A struggle fought on two fronts: Ukraine and within Russia itself
Alexander Dugin warns that Russia cannot reclaim its civilizational mission until it triumphs both in Ukraine and within itself.
Our Victory on our old lands—that is, in Ukraine—is impossible without a Victory over ourselves within the former borders of the Russian Federation. Therefore, today we are waging a war in which we will achieve victory only simultaneously.
In Ukraine we will defeat the West, which is fighting against us, at precisely the same moment that we defeat and expel the West from within ourselves—the liberalism and the betrayal that took hold of us in the 1990s, subjecting to judgment that historical reality, those errors and those crimes which we ourselves committed when we destroyed a great power and betrayed the Russian World.
Therefore, the tribunal we will conduct after our Victory over the Ukrainian Nazi criminals will also be a tribunal over our own history, over the 1990s, over everything that led to this fratricidal, bloody civil war.
Today, the fate of our Victory there and the fate of the healing, rebirth, and awakening of our people here are inseparably connected. We can prevail only when this war becomes truly a people’s war, a Russian war, and when in it we shall prevail over ourselves.
After our Victory, we will inevitably have to relaunch statehood—not only the statehood of our old lands, but our own as well. Because it will be a different state, a different people, a different society, a different historical cycle.
Of course, when this transition is completed, we will find ourselves in a new world. And we will have to put in order not only what is today called “Ukraine,” but also what is today called “the Russian Federation.”
We are simply compelled to create something different: the Russian World. We must substantiate it, lay its foundations, and conceive its new institutions; adopt a new constitution; and, in essence, simply re-constitute our state, which will become a full-fledged restoration of that historical reality and that historical principle which is Eternal, Great, and Good Russia. We must truly awaken to fulfill what has been bequeathed to us since the moment of the formation of our statehood and the Baptism of Rus’.
The Russian people live in the future. And we exist not “because of,” but “for the sake of.” Our being lies ahead of us. That is why we respond so readily to teachings about universal brotherhood, about Paradise on earth. The “center of gravity” of the Russian person lies in the future. Towards this future, we are drawing closer and closer. This future is called “Victory.”
Right now, the plan for this Victory is being forged: how we are to defeat both them and ourselves, and how we are to revive, restore, and resurrect both them and ourselves. Simultaneously. Because the abolition of “Ukraine” (and this is extremely important) implies the simultaneous abolition of “the Russian Federation” of the 1990s. These two false, caricatured realities are the product of the collapse of an organic great power, an Empire (the Soviet Union spoiled much in it as well, although it also contained many achievements).
For the moment, however, we must not argue about the past, but move into the future. In this future, there will be neither Ukraine nor the Russian Federation, but a reborn great Russian World, our new world power with a new global Russian Idea, which will restore all that is best, all that is ancient, and finally fulfill the commandments of our great saints and the heroes of our history.
We must change a lot, and of course the inhabitants of the old lands must play a very important role in this. A far more important role than that of a submissive population, defeated and placed under foreign rule. But all this will become reality when our Victory becomes reality—not only over others, but over ourselves.
(Translated from the Russian)
 | A guest post by
|
The new Russia could be the catalyst in leading the rest of the world back to God. I pray for Russia's success on the battlefield and in the reconsecration of its people, a joint effort by President Putin and His Beatitude Patriarch Kiril.
I agree with the core thrust of Professor Dugin's argument that the external confrontation with the West in Ukraine and the internal reckoning are inseparable, and that no lasting victory is possible without addressing the ideological, cultural and institutional fractures inherited from the 1990s. However, purging Western liberalism from Russia will require more than moral clarity. It demands rebuilding weakened state institutions, reversing decades of elite dependence on Western financial systems and overcoming entrenched cultural habits shaped by consumerism, individualism and oligarchic capitalism.
The deeper challenge is not just removing foreign influence but cultivating a coherent alternative worldview and restoring a sense of collective purpose that can anchor a renewed Russian statehood.
A final broadside I will add to this is that many Russian emigres who left their homeland in bitterness after the Soviet collapse are now seeing, often for the first time, the moral and institutional decay of the West they once idealized and the resurgence of cultural confidence at home. Their changing perceptions and the return of a broader civilizational self-belief will also play a role in strengthening Russia's path to victory and renewal.